There`s one last point. Although the ESA provisions appear to differ in the treatment of these three labour provisions, the dispute resolution provision (P. 2102(b)).12). (G)) is essentially to “seek provisions that address the main negotiating objectives of the United States on an equal footing” with respect to the possibility of dispute resolution, the availability of equivalent procedures and the existence of equivalent measures. While the workers` groups argued that this was not the case with labour and trade disputes, the USTR responded that this standard had been met because trade and labour disputes are subject to monetary assessments and suspension of benefits. However, dispute resolution procedures work a little differently and it may be a question of interpretation as to whether there is a problem in achieving the negotiating objectives of Congress. (32) On July 10, 2003, the House judiciary committee held a “false” premium on the UsTR project. The president, Mr. Sensenbrenner, took the lead in declaring that “immigration policy has no place in free trade agreements,” citing Congressional authority over immigration policy in Article 1, point 8 of the U.S. Constitution. MPs on both sides of the gang agreed with the president`s position, Mr Sensenbrenner, and several MPs added that the language bill was an “insult to Congress.” The House of Representatives Judiciary Committee recommended including free trade forces in the H-1B visa for non-immigrants and counting a free trade worker against the H-1B cap in the first year he will enter and after the fifth year of extension. These recommendations are reflected in the legislation introduced and adopted.
The trade data reflect Chile`s open and independent trade policy. Exports to the world increased by 89% in the eight years 1993-2001 (see Chart 1) and imports increased by 56%. Although Chile is not a full partner of the Andean Community or a full partner of Mercosur, its export growth has been the fastest intra-regional, evidence of Chile`s trade strategy, which combines unilateral reductions in customs and non-tariff barriers with aggressive efforts towards bilateral agreements. From 1993 to 2001, Chilean exports to Latin America increased by 126%, compared with 100% for the United States, 43% for Japan, 70% for Asia and 71% for the European Union. Chile`s trade with Canada indicates another interesting trend. Although the value of the export dollar is very low, it has increased by about 380%, an issue that has not escaped many U.S. business representatives of a U.S.-Chile free trade agreement, who argued that the Chile-Canada Free Trade Agreement has put a competitive disadvantage on the face of a similar or better-quality agreement with the United States. However, opposition to bilateral free trade agreements has intensified for both economic and political reasons. Economists, even those who advocate free trade, point out that bilateral (and regional) agreements are bad substitutes for multilateral agreements. While the two countries can improve under a bilateral agreement through the creation of trade relations, the agreement can also lead to a reorientation of trade (and investment), which can have negative consequences for those who are both in and out of the agreement. Although trade policy misappropriations are often difficult to assess, the continuation of negotiations at the multilateral level is a real reflection. (1) In addition to tariff reductions, trade aid has posed considerable challenges for negotiators.
In the United States, low tariffs on most products have led domestic industry to rely on trade assistance laws to combat import competition. Perhaps the most controversial topic was the application of the United States.